49th International Congress on Medieval Studies, 2014

2014 49th International Congress on Medieval Studies, May 8-11
The IAS hosted its annual business meeting and a reception and sponsored three linked sessions at the 2014 meeting of the ICMS. Click on paper titles to read full abstracts.

Business Meeting
Thursday, May 8, 5:30PM, Valley II, Garneau Lounge

Medieval Art and Architecture in Southern Italy I: Mobility and Materiality
Organizers: Nicola Camerlenghi, Dartmouth College and Nino Zchomelidse, Johns Hopkins University
Friday, May 9, 10:00-11:30 AM, Bernhard 209
Presider: Dorothy F. Glass, University at Buffalo

The Cult of Saints and Artistic Patronage in Early Christian Campania: Some Observations on the Funerary Areas of Nola, Capua, and Naples
Chiara Croci, University of Lausanne / University of M√ľnster [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”] Early Christian Campania offers, we argue, an insight into the initial development of medieval art and architecture in southern Italy. During Late Antiquity the region emerges, especially due to being at the crossroad of exchange routes, as the major intermediary between East and West. During that period the artistic production of Campania was part of a Mediterranean koin√© while, at the same time, continued Roman practices. This complex cultural situation influenced the historiography, the main monuments of the region being traditionally interpreted as the result of a mixture between eastern, north African, and Roman models. The study of cultic complexes associated with funerary contexts allows for a nuancing of this view of the artistic development in Late Antique Campania. The complex founded by Paulinus at the place where the martyr Felix was buried in the cemetery of Cimitile, outside the walls of Nola, betrays a more diversified artistic horizon than traditionally held. The main church of the site (the basilica Nova) for example, a three-aisled basilica with a raised threefoiled apse, was seen as derived from north African models. Nevertheless, recent studies on the building and its decoration indicate that the basilica reflects the wider cultural horizon of its patron. The complex crystallized near Capua around the grave of the martyr Prisco poses similar problems. The sole surviving part of the early christian complex, the chapel of Santa Matrona, was initially attached to a church whose apsis and dome mosaics are known from 17th century engravings. Neglected by modern historiography, the architecture and the decoration of this church are worth to be further analyzed. They offer also offer also interesting clues for the study of the development of domed churches in southern Italy. A third funerary complex that provides questions of considerable interest is the catacomb of Capodimonte (Naples), in particular the area in which the martyr Gennaro was placed during the second decade of the 5th century. In the mentioned area a “bishops‚Äô crypt” developed, presenting an interesting architectural and artistic reference. Since its discovery in 1971, due to the identification of a funerary portrait as Quodvultdeus of Carthage, the crypt has been associated with the funerary art of north Africa. Nevertheless, despite the use of decorating tombs with mosaic, that was actually widespread in the north African funerary art, the origins of this crypta are more problematic. The intensity of some of the portraits and the virtuosity of the artists indicate an uninterrupted connection with Roman art. The complexity of the area‚Äôs architectural and artistic production, addressed here through the study of the three funerary sites, indicates that Late Antique Campania drew its inspiration from a much more diversified field than traditionally held. [/wpex]

Between Divine and Human: Veneration of Saints in the Cripta Santa Margherita in Melfi
Danijela Zutic, McGill University [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”] In his letter no. 290, Alcuin writes that saints are best obtained and preserved with an application of senses to the matter in which the saints are presented. No sense of saint or scripture lives on more sustainably than when it is inscribed on one‚Äôs body. Alcuin explains further that the images imprint themselves on the heart and the scripture inhabits the mind. Yet, various representations of saints proliferate across the medieval western terrain in vast numbers, along with miracles initiated by the sacred matter. Nevertheless, what is deemed sacred matter has been broadly interpreted, often privileging relics, reliquaries and icons. The aim of this paper is to explore, even rethink, how medieval crypt fresco paintings participated in the formation of sacred matter. This paper will address specifically the crypt Santa Margherita in Melfi, Basilicata, Italy where a series of saints’ representations coexist in harmony, crafting a jeweled-like sanctuary where the viewing practice is structured in no particular sequence. Here, the impact is solely visual since there are no relics to speak of, and subject to temporal and spatial tension, formulated exclusively by the viewer. While the medieval crypt is generally understood as a site where death and life coexisted and the elaborate pictorial programs lining the walls of crypts were central to the formulation and dissemination of the understandings of death, renewal, physical and spiritual healing, the spectators‚Äô mobility and reciprocity vis-√†-vis representations challenges easy understanding of the affective power of images [/wpex]

A Syncretic Model and its Success: The Liturgical Installations at Salerno
Elisabetta Scirocco, University of Naples Federico II / Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz, Max-Planck-Institut f√ľr Kunstgeschichte [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]Scholarly interest in Romanesque sculpture in Campania has been dominated for a few decades by the issue of stylistic influence among supposed regional schools, resulting in a lively debate about the precedence of Campania or Sicily. This historiographical scheme, based on the juxtaposition of regional areas, can be dated back to the seminal study of √Čmile Bertaux, L‚Äôart dans l‚ÄôItalie m√©ridionale (1903-1905); it has finally been abandoned in favour of a wider perspective that embraces the Mediterranean dimension in which both the coastal areas of medieval Campania and northern Sicily participated after the Norman unification of Southern Italy. On the other hand, however, the study of artistic phenomena still needs to take into account the local historic, cultural and artistic heritage, which conditioned the specific solutions. The aim of my paper is to consider contacts and mobility between these two poles of Southern Italy through an analysis of the liturgical installations that formed the architectural contexts for the sculptures at the center of the aforementioned scholarly debate. The liturgical setting created in the Cathedral at Salerno in the second half of the 12th century leaves no doubt about the role played by the royal churches of Sicily (Cefal√Ļ, Palermo, and Monreale) as crucial models, both political and cultural. Salerno‚Äôs liturgical installations became, in turn, the reference on a local and regional scale. More specifically, the model of the pulpits created at Salerno spread widely ‚Äď with the adjustments requested by local religious and cultural environments ‚Äď thanks to the circulation of workshops throughout medieval Campania. My analysis will be devoted to the genesis and transmission of models within the specific realm of artistic production in the service of the liturgy, with regard to the two regions that frame the Norman Kingdom of Sicily (1130-1266). In doing so, I will focus on three main points: (1) The birth of a new typology, that is, the sources of the form and decoration of the liturgical installations elaborated in Norman Sicily‚Äôs multiethnic environment and multi-religious background; (2) Migration of a syncretic model: the historical background and the circumstances engendering the mobility the mobility of a specific Sicilian model, and of masons and materials, to the other side of the Tyrrhenian Sea; (3) Cultural translation: the way in which this new model was received in Campania, through the mediation of Salerno, in a new environment with its own cultural and religious tradition, and how it conditioned the subsequent production of liturgical furnishings. Through case-studies (Capua, Amalfi, Ravello, Caserta Vecchia, Sessa Aurunca), I aim to show how the desire of emulation among the dioceses and the will of powerful patrons to impress their name into the liturgical space led to the adoption of a synchretic model out of its original context, giving birth to a new successful typology of liturgical installations in Campania.[/wpex]

Gifts for St. Nick: Charles II and San Nicola in Bari
Jill Caskey, University of Toronto [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]This paper focuses on Charles II‚Äôs foundation of the Capella Regis at the shrine of St Nicholas. It examines the king‚Äôs donation of 1296 and subsequent inventories in order to probe his conceptualizations of the capella as a treasury and the implications of his institutional, material, and liturgical ‚Äúreforms‚ÄĚ on the famous pilgrimage site. In a previous article (‚ÄúThe Look of Liturgy‚ÄĚ), I argued that the key vestments, reliquaries, and liturgical books given by Charles to the capella constituted an emphatic attempt to bring the shrine and its liturgical performances into the French fold. But what about the other objects, including candlesticks from Venice and a papal ring? This paper looks at the donation, inventories, and surviving works in order to assess the ways in which disparate objects from around the Mediterranean basin were assembled in Bari, characterized, and used. It also considers how the highly institutionalized capella inflected the meanings of the objects and, ultimately, the meaning of the pilgrimage site.[/wpex]

Medieval Art and Architecture in Southern Italy II: Multiethnic and Multi-Religious Environments
Friday, May 9, 1:30-3:00 PM, Bernhard 209
Organizers: Nicola Camerlenghi, Dartmouth College and Nino Zchomelidse, Johns Hopkins University
Presider: Linda Safran, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies

Nicola Camerlenghi, Dartmouth College and Nino Zchomelidse, Johns Hopkins University

The Church of Santa Barbara, Matera: Cultural mixing in a tool shed
Rebecca Raynor, University of Sussex [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]The church of S. Lucia alle Malve, formally S. Lucia al Casalnuovo, was carved into the edge of the sharp ravine that divided Matera (Basilicata) in the eighth century. Like the other 155 churches excavated and decorated between the ninth and fifteenth centuries in the city, the plan, decorative programme, and bilingual inscriptions in S. Lucia alle Malve suggest it was a multi-religious and multi-ethnic hub in which eastern and western traditions, practices, and art mixed. Surprisingly, the extensive and exceptionally rich body of material found in Matera is little known. Three hundred years separate the first two accounts of its artistic heritage, and no international scholarship has attended to the collection since Charles Diehl and Emile Bertaux at the turn of the nineteenth century. Deprivation in the district, poor transport links to the area, and its reputation throughout the late-twentieth century as la vergogna d‚ÄôItalia, explain why Matera has continued to escape the attention of the scholarly community. This paper presents and analyses the complete decorative programme and architectural plan of S. Lucia alle Malve for the first time. Initially used by Benedictine nuns, the layout is typical of a basilica, with three aisles of which only the right side was used for worship. There is also the trace of an iconostasis, though this was dismantled and reassembled to create a kitchen when the space was used as a home in the twentieth century. The original coexistence of both Latin characters and Greek-Orthodox elements continues in the iconography of the frescoes painted between the eleventh and seventeenth centuries. The towering figure of the Archangel Michael in a niche, for example, is typically ‚ÄėByzantine‚Äô: he is dressed in imperial loros, and holds a sceptre and orb. A faint Greek inscription identifies him. A Greek inscription also accompanies the depiction of the Virgin and Child. The two frescoes date to the thirteenth century, and both suggest artists and an audience conversant with Eastern pictorial traditions. The latter, however, is, if its date is accepted, apparently unorthodox and daring: it depicts the Christ Child suckling on His mother‚Äôs exposed breast. This anticipates a Western iconographic trend also found on the mosaic of the Virgin on the fa√ßade of S. Maria in Trastevere (Rome), and, along with other decoration and Latin inscriptions in the church, attests to a community simultaneously aware of more local cultural markers. Having discussed how S. Lucia alle Malve evinces intra-religious and social pluralism at a local level, the paper will conclude by turning to a consideration of the theoretical problems the church presents, echoing debates in recent scholarship on medieval art history.2 The decoration of the church was executed during the Medieval period, but is usually described as ‚ÄėByzantine‚Äô in style. How meaningful is this term for the wall paintings in the church executed on the periphery of the empire‚Äôs frontiers and dates? It is not easy to find a replacement term for the works that are in fact coterminous with, but too far south for another label: ‚Äėproto-Renaissance‚Äô. S. Lucia alle Malve, therefore, refuses dominant scholarly taxonomies and casts doubt on their usefulness in current academic discourse. [/wpex]

Medieval Sicily’s Arab-Christian Art-in-Flux? Mutable Crosses and Christian Imagery in the Islamicate Ceilings of the Cappella Palatina
Lev Arie Kaipitakin, Tel Aviv University [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]Within the multi-cultural makeup of the Cappella Palatina — the royal chapel of the Norman kingdom of Sicily (1130-1194) — the painted ceilings were traditionally perceived as an Islamic constituent par excellence. Recent studies by E. Grube, J. Johns, D. Knipp, and L. Kapitaikin, however, nuanced that notion pointing that alongside its prevalent Islamic princely imagery, this vast ensemble includes also scenes with Christian content, whether explicit or implicit. Even so, the Christian signification of these scenes ‚Äď and to what extent and by whom they understood as such ‚Äď remains a matter of debate. That debate largely neglected the simple fact of occurrence of the clearest Christian sign of all in the paintings: crosses. My paper will address the crosses in the ceilings, in addition to another Christian depiction of liturgy inside a church strategically placed within them. The methodological issues at stake ‚Äď whether these Christian components in the Islamicate ceilings reflect their painters or commissioners ‚Äď will be addressed via comparisons with Sicilian, Coptic, Islamic and Romanesque artwork. Another functional approach to the Christian elements of the ceilings will suggest conceiving them as mutable expression of Palermitan community of Arabic-speaking Christians, who apparently conducted Christian liturgy in the Arabic language, as documents testify. The generally neglected Arab-Christians of medieval Sicily and Southern Italy invite cultural, artistic and other comparisons with analogous minorities in the Islamic Mediterranean, like the Copts of Egypt and the Mozarabs of Muslim Spain, certain to engender likenesses and differences among them. [/wpex]

TABIMUROLLI MUIDEM REP: Pseudo-Kufic, Retrograde Latin, and the Crusades Remembered on the Chiaramonte-Steri Ceiling
Kristen Streahle, Cornell University [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]Adultery, beheadings, vendetta‚ÄĒthe painted narratives, ornament, and inscriptions of the Great Hall ceiling, or Sala Magna, at the Palazzo Chiaramonte-Steri compete with each other for the viewer‚Äôs attention. The reception room in Palermo, Sicily, generates multiple interpretations, a stunning monument of fourteenth-century baronial art in Italy. This paper addresses the abundant use of retrograde Latin and pseudo-¬≠Arabic inscriptions as meaningful decorative devices on the ceiling, uncovering the vast use of Arabic and pseudo-¬≠Arabic as an intellectual sign of conquest and faith in the context of 14th-¬≠century art and culture‚ÄĒeven in a society that no longer spoke it. Demonstrating the complexity of text/image associations and highlighting the power of the visualized and culturally encoded word, I argue that these painted texts did not serve a marginal role in the program of the Sala Magna, but rather encoded the didactic messages of the painted narratives, which were consumed by a highly cultivated audience. Furthering Fedinando Bologna‚Äôs suggestion that these texts could be apotropaic, this paper uncovers the religio‚Äźmagical properties inherent in foliated verses and both familiar and imagined alphabets. I will situate the inclusion of such texts within the surrounding pictorial narratives on the ceiling, focusing specifically on the graphic Crusader imagery and other demonstrations of, what I consider here, ‚Äúnoble violence.‚ÄĚ The use of written Arabic and pseudo-¬≠‚ÄźArabic as a powerful visual vehicle of meaning in southern Italian artistic productions has been well-¬≠documented for the Islamic, Norman, and Hohenstaufen periods (roughly late-¬≠eighth‚ÄĒmid-¬≠thirteenth centuries). Additionally, the polyvalent meaning and use of Arabic is familiar to those studying quattrocento art, especially that of Florence. A vast lacuna exists, however, for the appropriation of pseudo-¬≠texts and their significance in the artistic and architectural commissions of fourteenth-¬≠century southern Italy and Sicily. Using the Palazzo Chiaramonte-¬≠Steri as a case-¬≠study, this paper helps remedy that lack.[/wpex]

Medieval Art and Architecture in Southern Italy III: Learning, Production and Exchange in Schools, Monasteries, and Courts
Organizers: Nicola Camerlenghi, Dartmouth College and Nino Zchomelidse, Johns Hopkins University
Friday, May 9, 3:30-5:00 PM, Bernhard 209
Presider: Cathleen Fleck, Saint Louis University

The Salerno School of Medicine, the Heritage of Archbishop Alphanus and the Narrative Program of the Salerno Ivories
Francesca Dell‚ÄôAcqua, Universit√† di Salerno [speaker unable to attend] [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]The Salerno ivories ‚Äď the largest ivory ensemble preserved form the Middle Ages ‚Äď have been in recent years the object of an exhibition and a series of conferences. Though, they still offer many puzzling aspects to scholars. Not only the original object that they made remains conjectural, but also their chronology is disputed, as it is polarized between 1084 ca., i.e. when pope Gregory VII consecrated the Salerno cathedral built by the Norman duke Robert Guiscard with the local archbishop Alphanus, and the time of the archbishop William of Ravenna (1137-52), a prot√©g√© of the Norman king Roger II, who promoted significative embellishments to the cathedral. The Old and New Testament scenes have rightly been interpreted in a typological perspective, although their sequence could be reassessed on the basis of technical as well as intellectual grounds. In the Old Testament cycle, carved on horizontal plaques, the lack of clearly recognizable iconographies for the Patriarchs has lead not only to different interpretations of the scenes, but also to hypothesize the loss of a variable number of plaques. The question could be approached differently, by taking into account the scanty ‚Äď and therefore neglected ‚Äď material evidence of their original assemblage. In the New Testament, clearly recognizable episodes are carved in pairs on vertical plaques, one above the other, and the narrative is meant to be followed from left to right as if reading the lines of a page. In this way, the paired episodes on the one plaque belong to different moments of the story. Nevertheless, by analyzing the contents of the paired episodes, it becomes clear that each plaque has also a theological coherence, that appears carefully planned and perhaps intended to offer the possibility of a multiple reading of the cycle, according to the varying degrees of literacy of the faithful. So the programme appears as a visual rendering of Christian exegesis, that read and interpreted the Holy Scriptures with four methods: literal (historical), allegorical (doctrinal), tropological (moral), anagogical (eschatological). The identification of theological focuses in the New Testament cycle could also shed light on the original assessment of the plaques. That the Salerno ivories were not simply based on the mechanical reproduction of long-attested iconographies transmitted in workshops, but also on an updated intellectual discourse, could be suggested by the emphasis that some episodes put on the perception of the Incarnated God. Although this paper is not aimed at defending a late-eleventh c. chronology, it wishes to remark the role of the archbishop Alphanus of Salerno (‚Ć1085) in shaping the local cultural environment, and perhaps the mentality of those ‚Äď secular clerics, monks, laymen? ‚Äď who conceived the Salerno cycle. A former benedictine monk at Santa Sofia in Benevento and at Montecassino, then abbot of San Benedetto in Salerno, in 1058 Alphanus became archbishop. Associated with the Salerno school of medicine, the most renowned in the West, Alphanus was a most refined and appreciated composer of poetry in the classical tradition, and a translator from Greek of medical and scientific treatises. Alphanus‚Äô translation of the late antique treatise ¬ęOn human nature¬Ľ by Nemesius bishop of Emesa attests to the archbishop‚Äôs acquaintance with the main classical philosophers, as well as to his sensitivity to themes like the relation between body, soul, senses, perception and knowledge. The intellectual heritage of Alphanus on the human senses as vehicle for knowledge should be further explored. This notwithstanding, it appears a remarkable coincidence that an enhanced attention to the involvement of the five senses in the knowledge of God is revealed by eminent authors of the early twelfth c., and it appears also reflected in the Salerno ivories.[/wpex]

Two Abbeys between Frontiers. Casamari and Fossanova and their Key Function in Theology, Politics and Architecture in the Times of Henry VI of Hohenstaufen
Reinhard Rupert Metzner, Independent Scholar [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]The paper at hand focuses on the narrow time span from 1186 to 1197 when Henry VI of Ho-¬≠‚Äź henstaufen, first as king and then as emperor, gradually gained complete power over the King-¬≠‚Äź dom of Sicily. The cistercian monasteries of Fossanova and Casamari are commonly known for their denota-¬≠‚Äź tive church buildings whose architectural forms, according to prevalent scholarship, mark the first inflow of the gothic in principle on the Italian peninsula. Furthermore they are generally regarded as visualizations of the Papal will and self-¬≠‚Äźconcept in contrast to the Holy Roman Em-¬≠‚Äź perors. However, it is often overseen that the abbeys, partly due to their geographical location directly on the borders between the Papal States and the Kingdom of Sicily, played a very complex politi-¬≠‚Äź cal and thus theological role. During the last quarter of the 12th century Casamari and Fossanova hosted an illustrious cluster of internationally educated theological scholars of divergent beliefs: At Casamari Joachim of Fiore presumably materialized his first exegetical essays during the 1180s, with friendly support by abbot Geraldus. Among his companions were moreover Joachim‚Äôs biographer Luca Campano, who in 1193 would become abbot of the Calabrian monastery of Sambucina and ten years later archbishop of Cosenza. At the same time, Fossanova was under the strong impact of Gaufrid of Auxerre‚Äôs severe antagonism towards Joachim of Fiore‚Äôs theories. This fertile friction between the two monastic spheres was foremost expressed in the question of how to react towards the aggressions of the Hohenstaufen. Whereas Fossanova supposedly remained close to papal influence, Casamari‚Äôs confraternity played an ambiguous role. Abbot Geraldus acted as a travelling diplomat between the Pope and the Emperor and apparently also Joachim arranged himself with the change of power in the Kingdom of Sicily. Both even received privilege by Henry VI: Geraldus for Casamari and Joachim for his new monastic foundation in Fiore. Even Sambucina, Luca Campano‚Äôs new domain, gained support by the Hohenstaufen em-¬≠‚Äź peror. Soon after the sudden death of Henry VI in 1197 all these abbeys would ornate them-¬≠‚Äź selves with new or respectively rebuilt churches. The paper therefore not only sets out to analyze the architectonical forms and principles that were laid out first at Fossanova and then at Casamari in order to trace their transfer in Fiore, Sambucina, Cosenza and other places. With the aim to reveal the source of these artistic emana-¬≠‚Äź tions the paper also attempts to discuss the specific intellectual and spiritual atmospheres of the two confraternities in the political conditionality of the time.[/wpex]

Thirteenth-Century Angevin Lighthouses in Puglia
Maria Rosaria Rinaldi, La Sapienza Rome [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]This paper aims to present the results of a study on Angevin architecture in Puglia (South Italy) during the second half of the 13th century. After the fall of the last two heirs of emperor Frederick II Hohenstaufen (1194-1250), Manfredi (1266) and Conrad (1268), Charles I of Anjou (1226-1285) became the new king of the Sicilian kingdom. In 1274 he started the construction of the majestic bell tower of Monte Sant‚ÄôAngelo (Puglia) and undertook a work of fortification of the castles of Frederick II. In Puglia, more than in other parts of the Sicilian kingdom, Charles I promoted operations of reinforcement and renovation of the ports and coastal sites and built new cities, such as Villanova. In the same time the sovereign began a systematic plan of construction of light towers located at the entrance of the main ports, from the north to the south of Puglia, in order to protect the newly acquired territories from the attacks of piracy and extend his ambitions in the Balkans. After these interventions, the military geography of the region changed and the already powerful castles‚Äô system of the age of Frederick II was reinforced. This study is based on the recognition of literary and historical sources ‚Äď with a focus on the Angevin registers of Naples ‚Äď and archeological remains, to identify peculiar characteristics of these buildings and clarify the reasons of their distribution in the Apulian region. Infact, starting from the above mentioned tower of Monte Sant‚ÄôAngelo (1274), which is a bell tower used as a ligth tower, the king inaugurated the architectural renovation of his kingdom, building the light towers of Brindisi (1275), Manfredonia (1277), Barletta (1278), these last two then annexed to the castles, and Otranto (1280). Some of the carachters of these lighthouses, such as the preference of circular rather than square plans, preferred by Frederick II, shed new light on the French architecture in Puglia. This survey constitutes an useful case study to clarify the contribution of the Angevin architecture in Southern Italy. Moreover, given the amount of details and accuracy with which the royal administration noted every single expense, from the purchase of the material to the payment of labor, this paper also aims at showing the dynamics of Angevin construction sites, where specialized workers, each with a specific task, were employed to renew the architecture in Puglia.[/wpex]

Apulia: Patrons, Panels and Frinta’s ‘Adriatic’ Workshop
Rebecca Corrie, Bates College [wpex more=”Read abstract” less=”Close abstract”]Over the last decade in a series of conference papers and exhibition catalogue entries, I began an effort to explain the distinctive, indeed brilliant, style of a group of works by the so-called Sterbini Master and his associates many of which had been identified by Mojmir Frinta in his seminal article published in 1987. Among the leading works in the group are the triptych now at Polesden Lacey House in Surrey, the Sterbini Diptych at the Palazzo Venezia, Rome, and the highly revered Cambrai Madonna. Clearly produced by a painter or painters intimately familiar with the work of Sienese masters including Duccio, the Lorenzetti, and Simone Martini, the works combine their own distinctive iconography with aspects of Byzantine iconography and style. Although at times the images have been attributed to Venice, I have argued, as Frinta did, that iconography, style and occasional provenance point to Southern Italy for their production. And although particularly close to Sienese painters such as the so-called Citt√† di Castello Master, some of the painters are likely to have been Apulian or even Dalmatian or Greek. Indeed, although Frinta‚Äôs core group still holds firm as Italian, it is important to note that the group identified by Frinta can be extended to some works produced on the Dalmatian coast. His group includes some works now in Spain and I have added others which recently appeared on the art market. I have also argued as have some Croatian scholars that Angevin patronage lies behind the iconography of the images as well as the formation of the style through the gathering of painters from such diverse centers to the South. This paper brings to this investigation my most recent research in Apulia, where certain types belonging to the group, typified by the Cambrai Madonna, abound, identifying the Cambrai Madonna as the best known among many versions of a regionally venerated image. Comparison of images from the group with fourteenth-century frescoes, particularly those at Santa Maria del Casale at Brindisi confirms my earlier association of the Polesden Lacey Triptych and the Sterbini Diptych with Philip of Taranto, son and brother of Angevin kings of Naples, and his powerful wife, Catherine of Valois, titular Empress of Constantinople, for they and their adherents and allies were its builders and patrons for the decoration of this church closely identified with the crusading history of the city and the region. Frinta, of course, speculated further that the lead painter might have been Barisino del Barisini, father of Tommaso da Modena, presumably originally from Bari. Whether we can follow him there or not, Bari of course remains a strong candidate for a center from which this group of painters worked, although other cities such as Brindisi and Taranto, given the presence of one of their images at Messina, are possible. At the very least, integrating the work of these panel painters into the larger history of Apulian painting and patronage not only allows us to understand their work but also underlines our growing understanding of south Italian painting in the fourteenth century. In the process we begin to envisage a re-mapped Mediterranean under the impact of Angevin and Aragonese economic and dynastic interests. [/wpex]

Friday, May 9, 5:00 PM, Bernhard 209. Cash bar.

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